There is heavy rain in Cox bazaar as Sea at Bay of Bengal seems very chaotic and weather forecast department is declaring more rain as there is Signal given to all sea ports of Bangladesh along with the soft signal number THREE to Cox bazaar .
So, life is getting affected by the rain around
as Terrible Muddy, Soggy and Floody Condition Within two days of the rains starting, humanitarian agencies reported some many incidents, including landslides, water logging get common view.
The risks remains huge, given the vast size and nature of the congested, makeshift camps. The hilly terrain is now largely bare of vegetation and the rains have made the soil extremely unstable, increasing the risk of large scale flooding and landslides.
(1)Nur Mohammed-30 years from camp-2 ,Block-G.
(2)Jubair-26 years from camp-2 west , Block-D.3
(3)Somaira-30 years from camp-9, Block.18.
Rohingya Camp fire added Sufferings in Between Corona pandemic and Food Shelter Crisis.
It was 12 May 2020 Monday while there was another horrible day appeared for the Rohingya Refugees as fire destroyed their shelters.
Near about 400 shelters were totally burnt and many more were half burned.
Romij Molla, 48 years old man who have been living in the camp for more than 29 months told to our team that the fire reminded them about the fire lit by the Burmese Army and terrorist while they were in Myanmar.
The people who lost their last hope just want to make sure that they could fast and get enough help during this Ramadan.
The situation was horrible and many NGOs were trying their best but aids weren’t enough to support so many people at a time.
During the past several years, I have been documenting the plight of the Rohingya Muslim ethnic minority by capturing their dire everyday life in the Rakhine region of Myanmar and in Bangladesh, portraying them as human beings deprived of their social, civil and human rights that are so often taken for granted in our society.
My intention is to document the violent ethnic cleansing campaigns turning into genocide while under the pretext of so-called security operations by Myanmar forces.
The first attack by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on Myanmar border police forces in October 2016 caused a widespread and disproportionate wave of retaliation on the Rohingya community. Although less covered by the media, this wave of atrocities caused some 100’000 refugees to flee to Bangladesh with evidence of summary executions, burning down villages and mass rape as clear indicators of severe ethnic cleansing and more annihilation to come.
Following the 25 August 2017 attack by ARSA on Myanmar police posts, another widespread “security operation” of Myanmar military forces sweeps throughout all the municipalities of Rakhine where Rohingya were present and causes another three-quarter of a million refugees to flee to Bangladesh to date and still counting.
Widespread killings, torture, disproportionate retaliation attacks turn to the mayhem of ethnic cleansing evolving into genocide.
Throughout, the access to Rakhine state for media and humanitarian actors has been extremely restricted and nearly impossible, as no witnesses of the denied barbarism are wanted. It’s estimated that no more than 350’000 to 450’000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine nowadays, of which more than half live in open air like prison camps in the periphery of the Rakhine State capital Sittwe and Paktauw township.
For years in Myanmar, if Kyaw Hla Maung, a historian, were to roll up his sleeves and bare his arms he might have been arrested. His arms are tattooed with an unusual a script with vertical, horizontal and diagonal lines and clusters of dots, the ancient Brahmi language of the Rakhine or Arakanese people from Myanmar’s Rakhine State.
“I had to wear shirts with long sleeves,” he said. “Even if it was a hot day I still wore a long shirt so I wouldn’t get caught.”
The Rakhine people, one of the 135 officially recognised ethnic minority groups that live in Myanmar, were forbidden from speaking their language or studying their history from 1962 under a forced assimilation policy. However, since 2015 some schools have allowed the teaching of mother-tongue languages as a second language.
So, Kyaw Hla Maung chose not to record his teachings on paper but instead tattooed the consonants and vowels of one of the ancient Brahmi script on his skin.
Last year, Rakhine State made headlines around the world because of a military crackdown, which forced more than 600,000 Rohingya into neighbouring Bangladesh. The Rakhine consider the Rohingya outsiders from Bangladesh, and in some cases, have participated in the violence against them.
What is less known is that the Rakhine people also have a history of being oppressed – by the Burmese military, which enforced a rule of ‘Burmanisation’ or forcing the culture of the Burmese people on the country’s various ethnic groups, many of whom have been at war with the central government since Myanmar’s independence from the British.
The crisis in Myanmar’s Rakhine State, and the exodus of 700,000 Rohingya Muslims since last August has been one of the biggest media stories in this region of recent times. It has also presented journalists with particular responsibilities and challenges, as the Myanmar authorities have barred access to Rakhine State for almost all outsiders, even the United Nations, so that first-hand information about what has happened there is very difficult to obtain.
But the multiple accounts given by refugees in Bangladesh paint a grim picture of a violent state response, to attacks on around 30 police and military posts by Rohingya militants last August, which has been described as ethnic cleansing by the UN, and may amount to crime against humanity. The seriousness of the allegations against the Myanmar authorities imposes a special imperative on journalists to gather as much information as possible from all relevant sources to try to fill in the many gaps in our knowledge about events in Rakhine. That determination has cost two Reuters journalists in Myanmar, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oe, their freedom, as they have been prosecuted for receiving sensitive information about an alleged massacre of Rohingyas. Public opinion inside Myanmar, though, has turned sharply against foreign media reporting, which is widely perceived as unfairly critical of Aung San Suu Kyi, and too sympathetic to the Rohingyas.
The FCCT is pleased to bring together a group of journalists whose experience gives them unique insights into the challenge of seeking accurate information on the Rakhine crisis.
Poppy McPherson has been reporting in this region, mainly on Myanmar, for five years, producing powerful pieces on the Rohingya exodus for The Guardian and Time Magazine. She is currently based in Bangkok and finishing a book on the Rakhine crisis.
TAWAKKOL Karman, co-recipient of the 2011 Nobel peace prize asks of the Rohingya genocide, “Why is this happening? Why is this human holocaust happening right before our eyes, not being stopped?”
The Rohingya, an ethnic group that has been a part of Myanmar for centuries, has been a target of systematic ethnic cleansing since 2010. In plain sight of the world, these people were burned alive, their houses razed to the ground, women were gang-raped and their children murdered in the most horrific of ways. The tyranny and persecution became so severe that the United Nations, which usually remains detached in the face of local conflicts, declared the Rohingya as the “world’s most persecuted people” and called their treatment “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing”. Since then, many world leaders, in addition to countless human rights organizations, have joined the UN to condemn the attacks and have called the actions genocide, but the relentless violence pushed on.
Vicious attacks forced hundreds of thousands of innocent people to seek shelter in neighboring countries. However, most of the time, they ran into the cold face of rejection. Australia, despite its richness and vast land, refused to lend a helping help to the Rohingya, even when they were stranded in the ocean on dingy boats.
In addition, the persecution and tyranny didn’t remain only physical. There is a systematic effort underway to erase the ethnic group from the collective history and memory of the country. Myanmar’s authorities are unabashedly denying the Rohingya’s past, claiming that they are illegal migrants from Bangladesh and refuse to call them by their name, Rohingya. The identity, heritage, and legacy of this ethnic minority, which was a thriving community with ministers in the government until a couple of decades ago, are brazenly denied.
The present rulers of Burma claim that it’s overall indigenous ethnic population – comprising eight major ethnic communities viz Burman, Shan, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon, Chin, and Rakhaing (Arakanese Buddhist), subdivided into 135 ethnic races—are descendants of Mongolian races only. They categorically deny that Burma has any indigenous ethnic race belonging to Arian stock including Rohingya (Arakanese Muslim). Every people in present – day Burma having Indian features are being treated as either foreigners or descendants of foreigners, Kala, no matter how long one might have been established there. Being ignorant of the real history, most of the casual observers confuse people with Indian features with descendants of the Indian immigrants who entered Burma in thousands during British colonial era as in other countries of Southeast Asia. A
strong mispropaganda against Rohingya from the part of the Burmans as well as our sister community of Arakan, the Magh, also blurs the truth to some extent.
But who are the real foreigners in Arakan? Is Arakan purely a state belonging to the people of Mongolian stock? Efforts have been made to give appropriate answers to the above questions in this work.
In historical perspective Arakan is more a frontier province of Eastern India than a province of Burma. From very early days till thee arrival of the Mongolian and Tibeto – Burmans in the tenth century Arakan was an Indian land with a population similar to Bengal. The spread of Islam in Arakan during those early times and the impact of Islamic civilisation on Arakan particularly after Bengal became Muslim in 1203 is well known. The Arakanese Buddhists (Rakhaing) who are counted among the Mongolian stock, by the Burmans, are in fact descendants of Arian Maghada Buddhists migrated from Bihar in India around 8th century C.E. who were later assimilated by the invading Mongolians. But the Arakan with both Muslim and Buddhist population had always maintained an independent status although before the establishment of Mrauk-U dynasty by Solaiman Shah (Narameikhla) in 1430, there was from time to time Burman and Mon interference.
March 20 (Thomson Reuters Foundation) – Myanmar tops a list of countries where the ability of aid groups to reach people in need has worsened in the past six months, the Geneva-based research group ACAPS has said.
In examining 37 countries, ACAPS analysts considered nine indicators, including violence against humanitarian workers and restrictions preventing people from reaching aid.
“Myanmar is the country where humanitarian access has deteriorated the most, as access for the Rohingya population has become increasingly difficult,” the group said in a statement.
The ACAPS report preceded another released Tuesday by a British parliamentary committee, which warned floods and disease could kill thousands of Rohingya refugees in camps in neighbouring Bangladesh.
The chair of the International Development Committee, Stephen Twigg, said in a statement that time was running out, adding that donors “must work with the Bangladesh government”.
“Substantial numbers of refugees are about to face another crisis. With the weather about to turn, the fragile safety and sanctuary that the Rohingya have found in temporary camps provided by Bangladesh is in jeopardy,” Twigg said.
United Nations’ officials say nearly 700,000 Muslim Rohingya have fled Buddhist-majority Myanmar to Bangladesh.
That came after militant attacks in August sparked a crackdown, led by security forces, in Rakhine state that the U.N. and United States have said constitutes ethnic cleansing.
The brutal surge of violence against the Rohingya in their home country of Myanmar has sent 800,000 people fleeing to refugee camps in Bangladesh in what some have called a “slow-burning genocide”—leaving many to ask whether a Burmese resistance exists.
At the Berlin Conference on Myanmar Genocide in late February, I had the chance to ask Burmese dissidents and Rohingya survivors about whether there were any reports of “righteous Burmese” similar to the celebrated “righteous gentiles” who resisted during the Holocaust. The Burmese people at the event said resistance in Burma is very difficult and made rarer by the pervasive brainwashing of the Burmese Buddhist public, who have been largely convinced to regard reports of atrocities against the Rohingya as “fake news.” Hla Kyaw, a Rohingya doctor, said that he was sure there were cases of Buddhists helping out their Rohingya neighbors, although he had not yet heard of any. As with the Holocaust, it may be years before the stories of secret humanity among the Buddhists of Myanmar come to light. In the meantime, the resistance is flourishing in the Burmese diaspora in America and Europe, where it is safer to voice dissent.
At the Berlin Conference, elder dissidents were joined by representatives of the younger generation of activists. Perhaps the firiest speech at the Berlin conference came from U Kyaw Win, a global elder among Burmese dissidents. Win, a longtime friend of Myanmar’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi, is an archetype of the older generation of pro-democracy activists who ultimately loosened the grip of the military junta over Myanmar.
U Kyaw Win was an early exile who publicly criticized Burma’s military junta in the 1960s and published The Burma Bulletin in an attempt to publicize human rights abuses in the country. He lobbied the US Congress for suspension of financial support for the junta for decades. Win fiercely dismissed the belief that the ethnically Burmese, or “Bamar,” own Myanmar and rejected the claims to primacy over other ethnic groups that have led to such brutality toward the Rohingya and other groups like the Shan, Mon, Karen, and Kachin. “Before the people who now inhabit Burma, there was nothing but land. All of them came from somewhere else or descended from people who came from somewhere else,” he said, referring to the tactic of Buddhist nationalists to dismiss the Rohingya as immigrant Bengalis.